The Sorrow of Pensioners

Commentary

The Sorrow of Pensioners

By: Miodrag Vlahović

We know from experience that criticizing opposition parties is extremely unpopular.

After all, it supposedly shatters “political unity” and leads to “infighting within the Montenegrin bloc”!

The first accusation is a relic of the old one-party era, when opposing the Party’s line was considered an unforgivable heresy. The second stems from an almost innate craving for “oneness” and “unity”—a tendency to which even Montenegrins, regardless of their faith or ethnicity, are not immune.

For well-intentioned, independent critics, both accusations are of little consequence—indeed, they are entirely insignificant—especially when one considers the gravity of the issues at hand, namely the weight of the foreseeable consequences resulting from the policies and decisions in question.

Consequently, in our environment, any form of criticism simultaneously serves as a pretext for condemnation—both public and private—directed at the person who dares to offer such criticism. This is typically accompanied by various interpretations, ranging widely in their degree of malice—so numerous, in fact, that it would take at least two articles of this length just to list them all!

With that thought in mind—which carries a sense of “déjà vu,” yet is also informed by the hard-learned lesson that it is best to simply ignore the typical Montenegrin petty spite and provincial schemes—let us get straight to the point.

The Montenegrin democratic, civic, and pro-European opposition (namely the DPS and ES) has recently made a decision that could prove extremely costly—not only for them, their parties, and their politicians, but for all of us, the citizens of Montenegro.

As their primary political response to the dangerous and unsustainable, ultra-populist construct put forward by PES—the so-called “Euro Model” program—the Montenegrin opposition has chosen to focus on models for increasing pensions!

In doing so—whether consciously or, more likely, due to a lack of political vision and courage—they have opted to legitimize a deceptive, empty promise regarding wage increases; a proposal that lacks any foundation and, given the current economic reality, has absolutely no chance of success.

The opposition justifies this by claiming they are offering higher pensions because public opinion polls show that the electorate is swallowing the populist pills offered by PES, blindly believing in what are essentially pyramid-style financial schemes and projections.

By doing so, the opposition parties—whom the leaders of PES are now—pardon us—openly mocking for their inconsistency—have directly legitimized the “Euro Model” program, instead of clearly, decisively, and definitively rejecting it.

In this way, the DPS and ES have—regrettably—become accomplices to the ruling parties; yet, even for this, the ruling parties will not invite them into a coalition—a prospect the opposition had hoped for (repeatedly, and, of course, in entirely vain idea). Neither Prime Minister Spajić has any such intention, nor do the relevant international stakeholders (primarily within the EU context) have any plan to eventually seek or permit the return of the DPS to the Government.

(For ES, the logic appears to be somewhat different—but we can address that if or when it becomes relevant. For now, that’s a long way off…)

The opposition’s focus on pensioners—traditionally the most loyal segment of the electorate, and a group that very rarely switches its political allegiance—is illogical. This is especially true given that the new opposition platforms contain virtually no message or offer directed at young people or those who abstain from voting. It is bafflingly illogical. And shortsighted.

The opposition is banking on pensioners—is that the segment of the population they are primarily addressing?!

Thus, the Montenegrin political rut and ideological stagnation—which we have written about on several occasions (to no avail, of course)—continue, and this amidst the most dramatic economic and political circumstances.

All serious economic experts—both domestic and foreign—as well as conscientious business leaders and employers, point to the inevitable, ruinous, and indeed catastrophic consequences of the irresponsible economic plan that M. Spajić promotes with unusual persistence—all while ignoring the clearly visible and alarming signs of impending inflation.

Why the opposition is joining in on this remains entirely murky and unclear.

The authorities—it is obvious—are in a rush to move the elections to March or early April, rather than holding them in June. The reason is the looming tsunami of rising prices. Simply put, they need to deceive the voters while there is still money available.

Assisting them in this endeavor—quite openly and without the slightest diplomatic distance—is the Head of the EU Delegation himself, Ambassador Sattler. Yet, at the same time, he remains silent (citing, ostensibly, “diplomatic distance”!) regarding all the grave problems within the Montenegrin political reality—from the hijacked public media service (RTCG) to politically motivated show trials, in which Supreme State Prosecutor (VDT) Marković and the current leadership of the Special State Prosecutor’s Office (SDT) are brutally and shamelessly violating not only Montenegrin laws and the Constitution but also international conventions and European standards.

This Austrian diplomat assures us that it wouldn’t be ideal for elections to coincide with the signing of the Accession Treaty?! So – better in March or April, according to the new “EU calendar”?

We can be certain that the Government is absolutely delighted. Ambassador Sattler knows exactly what he is doing. The opposition knows it too, but the approach we are discussing has significantly diminished their chances of voicing even a single word of criticism—or launching any serious diplomatic initiative—lest they be confronted with that classic, populist trap: “So, why are you against European integration?”

An answer to which our opposition has yet to come up with!

Or, worse still, they might face the remark: “So, Prime Minister Spajić’s narrative—the one he keeps bombarding us with—that the DPS is collaborating with Russia — actually makes sense!” (Yes, you read that correctly!)

The consequences of such a scenario—where the opposition uses populist tactics to “attack” the populist policies of the NSD-PES government—only serve to undermine the opposition’s own prospects.

Worse yet, it sets the stage for a scenario many desire: an opposition consisting solely of a supposedly “unreformed” DPS—a party whose primary “problem” is simply that Milo Đukanović is alive and a free man. Naturally. (And yes, you read that correctly, too!)

That is why no one can rejoice at the opposition’s grandstanding regarding pension increases—not even the innocent pensioners themselves.

And that is why PES can be very satisfied. Spajić and his cronies have received major gifts from the opposition: a justification, an accomplice, and a future co-culprit for an economic collapse.

Or perhaps Montenegro will strike a gold mine in Upper Polimlje, or discover top-quality oil beneath Mount Durmitor—allowing pensions to grow even larger, even if the Pension and Disability Insurance Fund (PIO Fund) is abolished?

Or is it the case that here—in our Montenegro—despite our celebrated distinctiveness and undoubted exceptionalism, economic and political laws still apply and exert their ruthless influence, just as they do in any other Balkan populist province?