The Stagnant Mire

Commentary

The Stagnant Mire

By: Miodrag Vlahović

“In the opinion of the majority of Serbs from Montenegro, Vlahović is one of the worst people from that country—someone about whom no one has a kind word to say.”

This is how B92—one of the destroyed free media outlets in (Vučić’s) Serbia—pays tribute to that detested Vlahović.

You won’t read a thing about this haiku-like paean in the “most Montenegrin” of Montenegrin media (Antena M, TVE, M Portal, Analitika), nor in the pro-regime outlets (CdM, Vijesti, RTCG), nor even in *Pobjeda*—which has become a bit of a mix of all the above, depending on who pays or when orders are issued … The spirit of the “Towarish” [Comrade] still hovers—like a murky cloud over August!

That is logical. Even to be expected. There are no surprises here.

But I must remind you—and I apologize for the unpleasantness—that unfree and controlled media will not bring about change. At least not the kind of change Montenegro needs. Lists of banned individuals and boycotts reek of Stalinism—which is exactly what they are, albeit in a caricatured form suited to the new information age.

For surely, shifting from Clientelism A to Clientelism B—or, more precisely, reverting to the status quo ante—cannot be the goal? Or is it—seeking new sinecures and stipends, standing tall and proud?

Or perhaps it truly is, judging by the inertia and stagnation prevailing on the Montenegrin opposition scene.

(Established NGOs fare no better—though we won’t waste space on them. Politically expedient sponsorships lead to expedient activities. As do collective protests—equally safe and conformist. Not to mention the petty spite and rivalry.)

What concerns us today is the lack of opposition action—action that is meaningful and targeted, decisive and bold.

We will highlight just three major problems within the stagnant mire of Montenegrin politics.

The first is, undoubtedly, Prime Minister Spajić’s new, dangerous, and destructive plan (with the charlatanism involved being merely a secondary aspect) to continue taking on massive state loans—which is the true name for the hybrid operation of “raising wages.”

Having failed—amidst the post-August chaos of 2021—to challenge the legality (to the point of seeking criminal, not merely political, accountability) of the $750 million state loan brokered by then-Finance Minister Spajić (a deal concluded without a single scrap of paper, document, or parliamentary decision!), our opposition has now been caught off guard and left reeling by the announcement of a “miraculous” wage hike.

Is it unwise to go against the grain of public sentiment? Is it dangerous and politically risky to explain to people that this is a deceptive sham—a ruse where the eventual sobering-up could prove tragic for us all? Is it bad to oppose a salary “increase”? The unions are in favor? E viva!

Thus, the opposition finds itself ensnared in its own trap—and stuck in the political dead end of simply “waiting for the elections”!

It never occurred to them—pardon the obviousness of the point—to at least demand an oversight hearing with the current Finance Minister. After all, he had either gone out drinking somewhere—pardonnet moi—or, as I’d like to believe, was genuinely opposed to this insane plan and therefore abstained from voting during the Government’s WhatsApp session …

The second issue—one that the so-called “ordinary citizen” thinks less about while waiting for paychecks to simply drop into their lap like roasted chickens—concerns the new rules for EU accession.

In short: the old rules no longer apply, nor do the procedures, nor the method and pace of funding for new members. By all accounts, there will be no veto rights for new EU members. Nor will they be able to serve as an additional “Russian element” within the community of European nations and states—as that figure I mentioned in passing once casually suggested …

Montenegro can and should accept all of this—let me repeat that to avoid any confusion. Montenegro is not joining the EU to exercise a veto. That issue is irrelevant to us. And so on.

Five EU member states (including Germany and France) made this clear six months ago. The initial reactions were: Edi Rama said “no problem,” while Mickey Spajić said “out of the question”!

Servile “analysts” immediately rushed to the aid of the charlatan heading the government (praising his “statesmanlike stance”!), while Commissioner Kos offered us some disingenuous and foolish “encouragement”—claiming that this would be a “blow to Montenegro’s honor”!

Or have we forgotten that?

Months have passed, and developments within the EU and among key member states confirm the intention to reform accession conditions and procedures—to the point where Commissioner Kos stated this loud and clear about ten days ago, simply because she had been told she had to.

In Montenegro, there is no discussion about this!

Not among the ruling structures, nor even from those directly responsible for this historic undertaking—the two Deputy Prime Ministers for this portfolio, who—poor souls—wear themselves out with the tedious, parrot-like repetition that Montenegro is the “next EU member.” A truly monumental monotony.

Opposition parties aren’t talking about it either. Not a word, so far.

They should be summoning those two repeaters of empty phrases and clichés to the Parliament for a scrutiny hearing. Asking them why they are silent, and why the Government is silent. And—I repeat—clearly stating that Montenegro accepts and supports the new EU accession conditions and rules.

Because we will enter—if and when we do—under the rules determined by the EU. There is no other way, as there are too many EU member states with ample reason and motivation to ensure the process aligns with what their own citizens and political structures can accept.

Montenegro’s silence on this matter is only harmful. As for the opposition, their silence signifies a lack of both knowledge and the courage to truly engage in opposition politics. Or are they waiting for the pear to simply fall from the branch on its own? That is a dangerous way to wait.

Regarding the third reason, it is best to ask the Head of the EU Delegation in Podgorica, Ambassador Sattler.

Thanks to his exceptional efforts

(with the assistance of Commissioner Kos, of course), a “penitential” visit to Brussels by Chetnik duke Mandić is—by all accounts—in the works.

Our modern-day Chetnik is supposed to revise his views there, withstand “comradely criticism,” and perform a ritual act of self-criticism—and voilà, Montenegro’s European agenda is saved!

If the information regarding this trip is accurate, it presents an opportunity for the opposition to react. This includes the two new associate members of the European Parliament (congratulations to the DPS, of course!), who now need to demonstrate that their status as observers and associate members actually serves a purpose and holds some meaning.

If Mandić really does go to Brussels, there will be an opportunity to inquire about the health of Ambassador Sattler and Ms. Kos as well … Or are we—out of habit and custom—hoping in vain and naively, yet again and endlessly?

There are citizens of Montenegro—especially those in the “abstainer” class—for whom it would matter if the opposition took a stand on the aforementioned issues.

There are others who do not understand this and simply do not care—pay raises are what matter—so they just ride the wave while it lasts!

The opposition ought to give serious thought to the former group and find a way to courageously tell the latter that they are naively believing in impossible and dangerous nonsense.

The opposition needs to remember that politicians have an obligation to lead—even when the positions they promote and the decisions they propose are unpopular and lack the (initial) support of the majority.

Let me remind them of a long-forgotten example—perhaps it will ring a bell: a certain Milo Đukanović, at least during the 1997–2006 period, pursued policies and made decisions that—in many crucial, even pivotal areas—were neither popular nor supported by the majority.

Yet Montenegro was preserved in 1999, and the subsequent pressure was withstood; the Montenegrin ship did not sink in 2002, nor was it an act of betrayal; for four years, we contended with an international community deeply skeptical about the restoration of independence, right up until the unique 55% rule and the historic referendum victory.

A majority is created, not waited for—my good opposition friends!

And this detested Vlahović does not expect you to change your stance. You haven’t done so until now; so be it.

The reasons for these lines—and I apologize for any potential discomfort—is a sense of obligation toward what I have thought, said, and written over the past forty years.

When all is said and done, that legacy will remain—despite boycotts and spite, misunderstanding and aversion, and even hatred—both in neighboring Serbia, as we can see, and here in our Montenegro, as I can feel.