“The New Serbian Response”

Commentary

“The New Serbian Response”

By Miodrag Vlahović

We did not have to wait long.

It so happened that the war criminal Mladić died two or three weeks after the speech by Chetnik duke Mandić, in which he announced a “new Serbian response”—a sort of (let us call it that) new political platform for “national reconciliation” in Montenegro.

Without repeating things said so often and descriptions of the situation that have long since become tedious: the Chetnik duke has confirmed, once again, who and what he is, and what he intends for us.

The expression of condolences over the death of the criminal Mladić provides the answer to the dilemma—if such a dilemma ever existed—regarding what that “new Serbian response” actually is.

There is, therefore, no “new” response, nor can there be one. The response is the same—buried and rusted following numerous military and political defeats—and that is how it will remain.

Nazi-chauvinist politics is exactly what it is. That historical corpse cannot be spruced up: it is recognizable at every turn, in every gesture and statement. A Chetnik duke is a Chetnik—a beard, a cockade, and a fur cap are not needed to recognize that fact.

One could debate just how “Serbian” that response actually is. The upsigned belongs to those who believe that equating hatred, nationalism, and the worst atrocities with so-called “Serbdom” constitutes a monstrous historical fraud and a crime against the Serbian people. Yet, it is the Serbs themselves who must come to realize this truth.

What concerns us is the position and influence of Andrija Mandić.

With or without a “new Serbian response,” the current Speaker of the Parliament steers the course of Montenegrin politics—confronted by a—pardonez moi—neutered opposition and coalition partners who are incompetent, incapable (and terrified!).

Mandić calls the shots—while Spajić maneuvers between the desire to profit from state loans, tenders, and government-to-government (G2G) contracts and the need to engage in politics beyond the monotonous mantra of European integration.

Mandić also has accomplices—most notably Vučić’s court jester, Knežević, who attacks and undermines Spajić on Mandić’s behalf as well; the goal is to discredit the competition ahead of the 2027 elections.

Mandić also enjoys the tragicomic, almost vaudevillian support of Commissioner Kos, who disregards not only political norms but common sense itself by perceiving merit and European credentials in a hardline nationalist and a Serbian-Russian proxy.

Our Western friends—especially the Europeans—know everything about Mandić, yet they tolerate his presence in the government because they see the confusion, inertia, and political ineptitude plaguing Spajić and his cohort. The priority is to close (at least) all remaining accession chapters; they will figure out the next steps once the votes are tallied in the summer of 2027…

In the meantime, the Chetnik duke will fully exploit his lobbying connections and other ties to the Trump administration and Israel—telling them he stands as a bulwark defending Christianity, or rather, that he is part of a united front against Islam. Birds of a feather flock together.

That is why his “new Serbian response” is at once nauseatingly, repulsively transparent and false, yet also a godsend of a populist formula for a supposedly “new” and “conciliatory” policy—one that, lo and behold, the European Commissioner for Enlargement embraces and cherishes.

The sense of unease—stemming from the fact that this disgrace is glaring and reeks foully—provoked by Mandić’s expressions of condolence and his repeated paeans to a war criminal will eventually pass. Commissioner Kos will remain silent, and EU Ambassador Sattler won’t utter a peep: after all, justifying war crimes and glorifying war criminals is merely “Balkan folklore,” for heaven’s sake!

Thus, Montenegro is condemned to revel in its own tragicomedy. There is no serious response from the opposition or intellectuals to the “new Serbian response.” Nor is there an authentic, new Montenegrin political platform—or even an awareness of the need for one.

Elections are awaited, yet mental and political inertia—along with sheer dullness—prevent any proper scrutiny of the collaboration between Ibrahimović’s Bosniak Party and the nationalist posturing of Gjeloshaj and Camaj. “Don’t touch that—they might become our coalition partners!”

In such an atmosphere of “opposition wisdom” and strategic savvy, the substance and content of politics become irrelevant, while empty phrases and petty politicking take center stage. So does the hunt for enemies where none exist—an inevitable, and—let us not forget—particularly unintelligent pursuit.

That is why you shouldn’t ask why Mandić is gaining ground. He was the one who best grasped the existence of a massive political void and thought to fill it with content that suited his agenda.

There is nothing new in his “new Serbian response.” And why should there be? At least Mandić has a slogan—whereas our opposition doesn’t even have one!

But then again, you must admit, that is hardly news anymore.