European Ostriches

Diplomatic Mail

European Ostriches

By: Miodrag Vlahović

The disappointment was, unfortunately, to be expected.

There is no condemnation of the outrageous and dangerous actions of Chetnik duke A. Mandić, nor any reaction to the self-defeating behavior of M. Spajić’s nominally ruling party.

Brussels remains silent; its bureaucrats and diplomats have no response. Commissioner Kos – nothing; Ambassador Sattler – speechless; Rapporteur Šarec – “does not wish to interfere in internal political squabbles”?! Dismal.

Duke Mandić has demonstrated that rules and principles—from the Constitution to the Parliament’s Rules of Procedure—hold no significance for him. He even cut the TV broadcast—so that what everyone sees would not be visible—even to those who do not wish to see.

PES has committed political suicide. Quips and attempts to change the subject are futile: Spajić’s party is not an autonomous political entity. Or, more precisely, PES is not an entity at all.

A. Mandić, therefore, controls the processes and decides on attendance at sessions and voting. The defeat of PES is total: even its “intellectual” members—the two of them (Deputy Prime Minister Ivanović and MP Stojović)—are remaining completely silent. They have nothing to say. They dare not. Their quasi-principled messages directed at the EPP (European People’s Party) have been compromised—and not just within the circle of European conservatives.

THE COLLAPSE OF THE POLICY OF APPEASEMENT

The most significant consequence of the parliamentary blockade, however, lies on the European side.

The policy—or diplomacy—personified by Kos and Sattler has ended in a fiasco.

The Chetnik duke and other Greater-Serbian nationalists, collaborators, and pawns—including their representatives within PES—were entirely the wrong choice to promote and spearhead the European agenda.

The Commissioner and the Head of the EU Delegation refused to acknowledge this obvious truth. Their persistence in promoting modern-day—pardon me, Chetnik—figures demonstrated that this was no mere slip-up or oversight, but a deliberate political project.

We were puzzled at first—at least initially—when Ms. Kos spoke of hiking up Bobotov Kuk alongside Mandić himself.

There was no room left for surprise, however, after the farcical scenes in which the Slovenian liberal (?!) downed a glass of rotgut in one gulp—again, in the company of the neo-Chetnik Mandić and his Chetnik-esque cronies.

For Mandić and his cohort—those “endangered Serbs”—are seen as the heaven-sent champions of the European integration process, a vehicle through which superficial and shortsighted Brussels projections aim to demonstrate that the EU is not anti-Serb!

Presumably, this also serves as a message to Serbia—a country hopelessly mired in the quicksand of extreme ethno-nationalism, hatred, and fanaticism, as well as historical revisionism and the justification and glorification of Quislings and war criminals—that the European Commission, the European Parliament, and the EU as a whole do not hate Serbs!

That absurd charade, which has been playing out in various ways for decades, is utter—pardon me—nonsense. Expensive and ineffective, to boot.

Serbia and its nationalist leaders—from Koštunica to Vučić—serve as proof of this. Today, more than ever.

That is why the calculation that Serbian nationalists and Russian proxies would usher Montenegro into the EU was doomed to fail. And it will continue to fail as long as it is pursued. Repetitive phrases and narratives about progress are futile. So, too, are targeted attempts to smear critics.

Mandić and PES themselves have ensured this simple, uncomfortable truth has come to light.

Hiding this is hardly in the European spirit. The list of EU member states—and their diplomatic corps—that see this reality is longer than before.

(The story of the German parliamentary delegation refusing to meet with Mandić is direct confirmation of this. Whether our friends Kos, Sattler, and Šarec have seen and understood this is another matter entirely.)

We hope that arriving at this inevitable realization won’t require Mandić—for instance—to literally bring a horse into the parliamentary chamber or set the Parliament building on fire.

For, in a symbolic sense, that is precisely what he did yesterday. And then declared victory.

A true European!

A NEW REALITY

Just how long Andrija Mandić can remain at the helm of the Parliament is also an interesting question.

To us, his removal seems inevitable.

The Parliament cannot function with such a presiding officer. It is politically unsustainable—and procedurally so, too.

There is no need to waste words on the values ​​the Chetnik duke has trampled upon; we are convinced that opposition MPs will know how to respond to this. The next parliamentary session is in four days. It is impossible to debate other issues until the question of the presiding officer’s accountability is addressed.

A vote on the matter is unavoidable. The compromised PES finds itself in a trap.

Meanwhile, Montenegro and its European partners face a new reality—one shaped by the situation within the EU, burdened by the dangers posed by far-right parties, as well as by the EU’s evolving stance on the enlargement process.

What was—until a few months ago (as we previously reported)—merely the position outlined in a non-paper by five EU member states has now become the prevailing view within the EU—a view that Ms. Kos publicly articulated, evidently acting under instruction. Or, more precisely, a view she was compelled to state publicly.

In Montenegro, however, there is no mention of this in the public debate—a debate that is already sparse, reduced to a few formulaic and vague statements—neither on the part of the government (reflecting the current ministers’ modus operandi)nor the opposition. Even established NGOs offer no help… Not a word, as yet.

The events in Parliament and the self-undermining actions of PES present an opportunity for Montenegro’s pro-democratic, pro-European opposition to clearly formulate its position and communicate it to the diplomatic corps of EU member states.

It is in Montenegro’s best interest to accept the new rules, procedures, and conditions. This is indisputable, and our partners need to be made aware of this stance—both publicly and through direct communication.

Once the process of “provisionally closing negotiating chapters”—a topic of constant (and unnecessary, vacuous!) speculation—is concluded (currently projected for January 2027, or shortly thereafter), Montenegro will face the task of engaging with twenty-seven European capitals—that is, with the individual government of each EU member state.

This will pose a major challenge for the current diplomatic service and its very meager (crippled) resources, as well as for the Government itself and its chaotic way of doing things.

It is in the interest of our opposition—because it is in the interest of our country—to prepare in good time for that most demanding phase of the EU accession process.

Amidst these dynamic and complex processes—where certain factors, even those beyond the fault or responsibility of the current Montenegrin authorities, run counter to our state interests and proclaimed goals—skill, as well as dedicated and systematic work, will be absolutely essential.

Qualities for which—as our European friends are well aware—Montenegrins are not exactly best known…

THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE OPPOSITION

That is why a great responsibility rests upon the Montenegrin opposition—democratic, civic, and authentically European.

It is necessary to demonstrate—both at home and in European circles—that the current opposition is ready to lead the country into the EU.

New opportunities and reasons are emerging for the opposition to pursue such a policy—one that is both new and more active.

Having long been branded (unfairly!) as “obstructionists of European integration,” Montenegrin opposition figures are now in a position not only to dispel that “fog” but also to position themselves as future leaders of this historic process—the third of its kind in the first half of this century, following the peaceful restoration of independence and accession to NATO.

We are convinced that EU membership lies in our near future. It is the opposition’s task to ensure that no one—whether from within Montenegro or abroad—jeopardizes this vital national interest.

No one, we repeat.