To Kill a Mockingbird

Commentary

To Kill a Mockingbird

By: Miodrag Vlahović

Ambassador Sattler has issued a missive: vote for the constitutional amendments!

In this bureaucratic text—devoid of spirit or inspiration—the ambassador makes a dramatic call for the adoption of necessary amendments, which are a prerequisite for Montenegro’s further progress on the European agenda.

To an uninformed observer, the reason for such drama is unclear. Or, more importantly, why a problem regarding this vote exists at all. Aren’t all—or almost all—in Montenegro pro-European?

Neither Ambassador Sattler nor Commissioner Kos has uttered a word about this “hidden” problem. Brussels’ (European Commission’s) stance is to turn a blind eye to the fact that Mr. Mandić is doing in Montenegro precisely what that same Brussels condemned in Belgrade. (Admittedly, this condemnation came only after a series of reactions and protests regarding the initial, mild, and selective response.)

Is the glorification of a war criminal and the denial of genocide unrelated to the European agenda? Or is it simply unimportant—does it not conflict with European values ​​in any way?

Optimism is, as we can see, desirable and politically expedient, given that Montenegro is closest to the EU—both in the literal sense and in the sense of “being closest to the EU” (in quotation marks).

Optimism despite everything happening, optimism at any cost. Optimism on command!

Congratulations, Madam President von der Leyen! And thank you to our European friends. That is the password for political acceptability today—the “proof” of a European orientation.

It can be uttered even by those who couldn’t care less about EU membership. It sounds nice and costs nothing.

The Authorities

While mouthing the “right” European phrases, the authorities in Montenegro have one primary and paramount interest: staying in power. EU integration is merely a backdrop—a very nice and convenient backdrop.

(Nota bene: Preventing the parliamentary session where a vote was to be held on the dismissal of [Andrija] Mandić served as a demonstration: a ruling coalition like this—comprising parties and politicians manufactured, backed, conditioned, and blackmailed by the Serbian state, its security services, and the Church of Serbia—will not relinquish power peacefully. Let us note this now. Another test inevitably awaits us after the elections—whenever they may be held.)

Power as the primary motive—this is clearly demonstrated by the so-called “Euro Model,” its substance and significance, and the consequences it has already begun to produce. The manner in which it was “adopted” illustrates this as well.

The shameful fact that the relevant minister still knows nothing about it—and has taken no stance—is already old news. That same minister has already secured a new state loan of 400,000,000 euros, thereby confirming that he has no real say in matters and making it clear exactly what he is prepared to do.

No one has (yet) called for an oversight hearing, let alone his resignation!

Amidst an atmosphere of pervasive optimism and the apparent indifference of Commissioner Kos and the Head of the EU Delegation regarding the glorification of a war criminal and the denial of genocide, those who control the ruling majority needed about fifteen days to rein in the MPs of the “ruling” PES and ensure their obedience. Now, those “Europeans” and “conservatives” have cast their votes—because they were permitted to do so! And, naturally, they voted in an anti-European manner.

Chetnik duke Mandić was then able to triumphantly—pardonez-moi— lie, claiming that he had, in fact, voted against himself, “to help the opposition.”

We have believed everything he says for a long time now.

The Opposition

But there is no salvation for the opposition.

Their tactic—now obvious—is to counter PES’s destructive plan (based on unsustainable economic “abracadabra”) by devising new solutions for sustainable pension increases?!

In doing so, the opposition (first ES, then DPS) has abandoned the policy of opposing PES’s destructive and state-endangering agenda. Now, they are racing to curry favor with pensioners—since that group has not yet been promised a raise.

Warnings from economic experts fall on deaf ears. Even common sense fails to prevail. The “Euro Model” will be implemented. Full speed toward ruin—optimistically!

This has also predetermined the nature of the political campaign, which the opposition parties are entering at a serious disadvantage: while constantly having to “prove” their pro-EU credentials—a truly tragicomic spectacle—they fail to launch new ideas or address citizens in a way that highlights how and why they differ from PES.

Populist gimmicks, it seems, hold more appeal for them than the political messages and actions that might mobilize non-voters and—crucially—younger voters.

Although opposition leaders no longer say it out loud, the “wait-and-see” tactic has won the day.

The desire to woo voters with populist promises has outweighed the need for new political platforms addressing serious, unavoidable cuts and changes.

In the run-up to the elections, their top priority will be to avoid rocking the boat and to marginalize and stifle any critical voice. They are succeeding at the former, while the ground for the latter was long ago prepared by our provincial media landscape: only rehashed ideas are welcome, while any note of dissent or well-intentioned criticism is dismissed as “bickering” that threatens “opposition unity”!

Amidst such stagnation and apathy, every failure and instance of ineptitude on the part of the opposition takes on far greater significance—transforming into a defeat for the entire democratic, civic, and European Montenegro.

Yesterday, we witnessed just such a defeat. Those who hope this will stop are naive.

The real drama is only just beginning.