Dead Waters

Commentary

Dead Waters

By: Miodrag Vlahović

Let us first explain the title, for the benefit of those who never learned to swim in the rapids of our rivers.

“ Dead Waters” —aside from being the name of a Montenegrin river [Mrtvica] and its magnificent canyon—is a word denoting stagnant water; that is, water that does not move. I have known the word since my earliest childhood, thanks to my father’s uncle, Sreto Šoškić—a veteran partisan fighter and an avid hunter and fisherman. He used to take me fishing on the Lim River and the meanders of the Luča River, and on “hunts” across the hills of our mount Zeletin …

Today, “Mrtvica” seems the most precise metaphor for the state of mind and the lack of new ideas within that pole of Montenegrin politics usually described as “civic” and “Montenegrin” and often—though now quite inaccurately and in a historically outdated sense—as “sovereignist.”

In that camp—regarding ideas, new visions, and political platforms—nothing has happened for six years now, ever since that August [2020]. Nor are there any signs that anything will. A truly dismal stagnation.

(The truth is—let us not forget—that this state of affairs existed for years before the DPS and its allies lost power. No one gave it a thought, and the very few voices of criticism were ignored by the arrogance of entrenched and complacent power-holders …)

Ideas regarding the need to formulate a new national—or rather, state—program were dismissed due to a mix of ignorance and recklessness, as well as vanity and an aversion to “unnecessary waves.”

The initiative to bring together Montenegrin politicians, analysts, and intellectuals fizzled out after the initial gathering three months ago. This happened despite the convener’s explicit stance that his role ended right there at the meeting, with the expectation that one of the fifteen or so participants would call the next one. No further invitation was issued, nor will one be.

(Leaders of the largest opposition party even reacted angrily at the time. Although three high-ranking officials from that party found reasons not to attend, one of them interpreted the meeting as an “attack on the DPS”—which is, if you’ll pardon the expression, nonsense. But all the sheep are accounted for—there will be no more meetings.)

There were, however, gatherings organized by certain para-political groups—albeit highly selective ones that notably failed to invite the very people advocating for a new strategic political platform … Montenegrins and politics!

On the other hand, the aforementioned metaphor regarding the need for new, younger, and more agile “Young Montenegrins” has been notably ignored. There is surely no need to explain the origins of this term or what it symbolizes: Montenegro needs a new, modern political idea. And, naturally, it needs the people to champion it.

Instead—and I apologize for reiterating such a simple and self-evident truth—the Montenegrin opposition scene (along with the sympathetic and affiliated “most Montenegrin” Montenegrin media outlets and their associated intellectuals—or “intellectuals”) remains in a state of suspended animation, waiting for someone to finally restore them to power. Yet, as we know, that “Godot” usually never arrives.

Meanwhile, on the other side of the political spectrum, Chetnik duke Mandić—for reasons and in circumstances we cannot yet judge with certainty—is proposing a new political dialogue and a new variation of so-called “national reconciliation.”

Mandić’s conflict with A. Vučić—whether feigned or genuine—serves as a useful platform for promoting a new role: that of a leader of European integration.

It remains—at least within Montenegro itself—a political absurdity and a more or less successful political ruse. Or a deception.

The coddling of Mandić by European officials and functionaries (with Commissioner Kos and Ambassador Sattler being the least significant among them) is undeniable and cannot be ignored. It is a political fact that can no longer be overlooked. (Whether this [EU] approach is proper or sustainable is an entirely different question.)

That is why the Montenegrin opposition and intellectuals—however many of them remain “fit for action”—need to respond to Mandić.

Of course, doing so would require them to break free from their stagnation—characterized by a lack of ideas, the endless recycling of the same old texts, and tedious, weak attackes ad hominem.

To begin with, they might perhaps call upon the Speaker of the Parliament to use his well-known influence over the Public Service Broadcaster (RTCG) to enable the participation of those currently banned from it. The unlawful director, Raonić, cannot be a promoter of the dialogue Mandić is calling for.

That (first) step would make Mandić’s calls at least minimally credible.

As for his showdown—or “showdown”—with Vučić, we cannot help him: he spent thirty-odd years falling, and he brought about his own ruin.

And we will offer no advice to the Montenegrin opposition. There is nothing to teach someone who knows everything. That requires different methods.

The Young Montenegrins will inevitably do it one day!