Malign Influence

Commentary

Malign Influence

By: Miodrag Vlahović

Aleksandar Vučić’s electoral defeat is also the greatest defeat for the August 2020 “liturgy-monastery” coalition in Montenegro

The boil has burst, and now, pouring out from it, is evidence of the deep involvement of the Serbian state, its intelligence services, the mafia, the media, and—inevitably and quite logically—the Church of Serbia.

If there is indeed a desire within the new government of the Republic of Serbia to distance itself from the criminal and deeply corrupt policies of the Vučić regime—something we all hope for—it is also imperative that the malign influences exerted on Montenegro’s political, security, and economic landscape over the last decade or so be uncovered and prosecuted.

The limit of such an undertaking is already clear. It will be reached the moment the authorities—specifically those who, even now, continue to repeat nationalist, paternalistic ideas regarding the relationship between Serbia and Montenegro—realize that exposing (Greater) Serbian malign influence in our country threatens that very paternalistic framework and established norm.

That is why uncovering every single detail—while the post-election euphoria in our neighboring state is still in full swing—is of great importance.

Political agreements, orders and instructions; the interference of clergy from the Church of Serbia; interventions by the BIA and VOA; the appointment and control of compliant “cadres”; the targeting and elimination of political opponents; influence over Public service RTCG; the destruction of Gradska RTV and the establishment of RTV Podgorica (which serves as direct intelligence-propaganda outpost for the aforementioned Serbian agencies); the nazi-chauvinist content published by obscure portals like In4s and Borba; the financing of regime-aligned media (such as daily Vijesti) and various TV stations, as well as political campaigns—from earlier elections and those in August 2020, through the “battle for Nikšić,” to local elections in Podgorica, Budva, Berane, and elsewhere—all rank high on a long list of misdeeds, acts of sabotage, blackmail, and brutal interference in the internal affairs of Montenegro.

Then, of course, there is the Church of Serbia, with its two (!) metropolitan-vicars—one installed via an airborne assault, the other acting like a special operative and serving as a direct proxy for the BIA and/or VOA (the distinction is less relevant). This institution also funds and promotes the most virulent nationalist, anti-Montenegrin, and xenophobic narratives and actions.

Furthermore, there is the use of blackmail and influence over current Montenegrin officials—as well as their predecessors from the August 2020 period—exploiting their public and private troubles, their web of familial and business interests, their personal commercial ties, and even their hidden (yet documented) sexual preferences. Finally, there is the issue of Serbian citizenship—involving secret acquisitions, public renunciations, and various other “administrative” maneuvers.

It is not particularly difficult to guess where—and why, in the context of the preceding paragraph—Spajić, Mandić, Milatović, Abazović, Knežević, Bogdanović, Bečić, Ivanović, and the rest of the August group fit in.

Let us never forget the influence exerted by quasi-experts from Serbia—manifested through hundreds of service contracts, business arrangements (with or without public tenders), and, most importantly, guidance and instruction regarding the Europe Now 1 and 2 programs. This also includes the latest and most dangerous subversion: the so-called Euro model.

That is why it is exceptionally positive—regardless of the fact that one can easily surmise Milojko Spajić’s personal and political motivations (if, indeed, his political motivations exist independently of his personal ones)—that the Europe Now Movement (PES) has requested a parliamentary oversight hearing concerning “malign influences” on Montenegro.

To be precise, Spajić alluded to this even before Vučić’s electoral defeat, making an “enigmatic” statement about “two countries in the region” as the sources of these malign influences. Subsequently, our compliant editors and “analysts”—hailing from media outlets that serve the interests of PES and the Bosniak Party—strained to interpret his remarks as referring to Albania and Croatia!

Therefore, a serious oversight hearing—for which MPs from the DPS and SD, along with their independent colleagues, must arrive fully prepared and ready to pose all necessary questions, however uncomfortable they may be—will be of great political significance at this juncture.

Otherwise, the whole affair could easily turn into a propaganda campaign for PES—a party which, as its leaders—in a rather tragicomic fashion—assure us, has always been opposed to Vučić and supportive of students (provided they go by the name “Student List”), yet decidedly not supportive of Montenegrin students; after all, the “Kamo śutra” initiative by Montenegrin students was allegedly “in the service of the mafia”!

Malign influences on Montenegro do exist. They originate primarily from Serbia and Russia. Key political processes and decisions over the last six years have unfolded and been made under the direct or indirect influence of these two quarters.

(PES members might also recall how “bravely” they rejected the influence of Andrija Mandić—by “bravely” handing over their parliamentary voting cards to him. But that was so long ago—before the “new Serbian era.”)

That is why the upcoming parliamentary hearing is highly useful.

We sincerely hope that someone will have the courage to tell the parties of the ruling coalition: “You are all products of a malign influence. In fact, you are that malign influence on Montenegro.”

Naturally, the majority will prevail when it comes time to adopt conclusions regarding these malign influences. Yet, it will remain on the record—with an eye toward the very near future—that there existed a clear and well-founded awareness of the true purpose, role, and intentions of the NSD-PES malign coalition.